What the Senate Needs to Ask During Its Election Security Briefing by Matthew Weil

The Senate is finally going to receive an election security briefing in the wake of special counsel Robert Mueller’s report on Russian meddling during the 2016 election. That investigation revealed systematic efforts to infiltrate election-related technology in ways that could have created havoc during the voting process.

Here are five important questions the Senate must be asking to get ahead of the next threats to the American voting process:

1. What can Congress do to assist state and local election administrators to protect the voter registration process and the back-end voter registration databases?

The Russians were able to probe at least 21 states’ voter registration databases records in 2016. Recent reporting has shown that at least two counties in Florida were breached as well by foreign actors gaining administrative access through a commercial vendor. While there is no evidence that these attempts changed voter records and no evidence that any vote choices were compromised, the registration databases and third-party vendor community are weak points in the process that remain going into 2020.

Here’s why:

The databases generally have multiple authorized users in every individual jurisdiction within a state. It only takes one stolen password to get into the database.

In most states, voter registration databases interact with other state-based databases, including those maintained by the state’s motor vehicles department. This interaction opens additional vulnerable points of entry.

While voters registering via online voter registration are not directly touching the state voter registration database because all new registrations and updates are verified by election administrators before being added to the backend databases, this necessary public facing portal can be a weak point through which an attack can be made. Furthermore, there  have been instances of identical-looking webpages with a different URLs set up to mirror the online voter registration system. These pages are used to harvest data from voters seeking to register. While these are not cases of hackers penetrating the voter registration database, eligible voters can be prevented from successfully registering.

Moreover, an attack on a registration database is low-risk, high-reward. A successful hacker from anywhere in the world can wreak havoc on Election Day by altering voter files or deleting voters entirely from the rolls, creating long lines and disrupting confidence in the election system.

2. Are top-down or bottom-up state databases equally secure?

States have only been required to have statewide databases since 2002, but the federal law mandating them allowed states to devise their own systems. At the time, cybersecurity was not the concern it is today. So-called top-down systems maintained by the state and bottom-up systems maintained by local jurisdictions both have unique pros and cons, but the top-down systems handled by state IT professionals may provide better security.

3. Should all voting systems be required to have a voter-verifiable paper ballot and how much would it cost independent of other security funding needs to make this a reality in the states with remaining electronic-only voting systems?

There are two main types of voting systems: electronic and paper-based. The direct recording electronic (DRE) voting systems also tally the votes as voters cast their ballots on touch screens. The voter and election official have no way to independently verify that the DRE systems are recording votes accurately and there is nothing to go back and audit. Post-election checks of DRE results merely constitute re-tabulating the memory cards.

Paper-based systems are generally composed of hand-marked paper ballots that are inserted into optical scanners at the polling place. These scanners tally the vote in the polling place, but if there are discrepancies, the votes can be tallied by another scanner or by hand and eventually audited for accuracy.

Voting systems that produce an independent paper record provide more confidence about election outcomes to voters and election administrators. Voter verifiable paper ballots can be counted by different vote counting technology or by hand, features not available on direct recording electronic voting systems. Paper can be audited to provide a statistical report about the accuracy of the vote count. Congress has in the past provided dedicated money to replace lever voting machines and punch card devices. It can provide money to transition away from DRE systems to paper-based ones.

4. Are there ways to find cybersecurity efficiencies within the states and can Congress assist to bolster cybersecurity awareness and best practices such as two-factor authentication to access voter registration records?

States and local entities have been consolidating IT infrastructure to ensure that trained experts are at the helm in various areas of public administration. Election administration could be the next frontier, especially where there are small election jurisdictions trying to independently secure their IT systems. With a push from Congress, states could explore ways to allow these jurisdictions to band together around IT infrastructure and cybersecurity training.

5. What can Congress do to increase confidence in the reporting of election results, especially on election night?

First, everyone needs to take a breath on election night. Initial results are not final results. Local jurisdictions may transmit these results from polling places, relying on extremely tired poll workers not to make any transcription errors. Give the administrators time to verify all the results from the polls.

It’s also important to understand that many ballots in states are not able to be included in election night results. Some states do not report vote by mail ballots on election night or receive ballots up to a week after election day. Provisional ballots cast in polling places are never adjudicated on election night.

While tensions may run high, all political actors should refrain from the impulse to criticize the vote counting process on election night and in the days following as uncertified results shift in one direction or the other. It is not evidence of unfairness in the process; it is in fact a feature of making sure all eligible votes are accurately counted.

Improve Elections, Fully Confirm Election Assistance Commission Before 2020 by Matthew Weil

It’s hard to make progress when you have both hands tied behind your back a third of the time. Voters want more secure and better functioning elections, and Congress can act right now to accomplish that. In the swirl of election security concerns, ballot design problems, and vote counting confusion, the Senate should take up the two pending nominees to the United States Election Assistance Commission (EAC) before adjourning this month.

The EAC is the federal government’s main arm for disseminating election administration information to state and local election officials. The Commission sets the guidelines for voting systems and certifies the machines that voters use to cast ballots. Commission staff collect and disseminate vital data about election administration, share best practices, facilitate outreach to language minority voters and those with disabilities, and much more.

Since the first four commissioners were confirmed on December 9, 2003, however, the EAC has only had a quorum (three commissioners) to take action 68 percent of the time. In fact, there has been a full complement of four commissioners for just 28 percent of the commission’s existence.

These somewhat rosy numbers belie the fact that the good old days of relatively consistent quorums ended back in 2011. Since the start of 2012?a period which includes attempts by foreign adversaries to infiltrate elections, the deterioration of machines purchased back in 2004, and rising distrust in the conduct of elections?the commission has had a quorum just 47 percent of the time. One of the Democratic seats on the Commission has been vacant for 3,566 days. It doesn’t have to be this way.

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Why do we need a quorum at the EAC? A fully functioning Commission would likely move new voting systems guidelines soon after being reconstituted. These guidelines have not received substantial revisions since 2005. The Commission has been hard at work at a revamped set of guidelines since it regained a quorum in 2014. Those revisions are nearly complete but require commissioners to vote on implementation. Additionally, a quorum would allow the Commission to more effectively lead on election security, voter registration modernization, and expanding access to voting while preserving the integrity of the system.

The Bipartisan Policy Center works on policies that lead to a secure and modern voter registration system, an accessible and fair casting of ballots, and an accurate counting of the vote.

There are two commissioners currently serving at the EAC. Both Chair Thomas Hicks and Vice Chair Christy McCormick were confirmed in 2014. Each is serving on an expired term, which has not been unusual for the EAC over the past 15 years. Both can serve until another nominee is confirmed for their slots.

The Senate Rules and Administration Committee heard from the nominees last week. If the full Senate does not vote to confirm these nominees before adjourning, the process must begin from scratch. That would be an unforced error in the process to improve the voting experience just as we begin preparation for the 2020 election cycle.

Supreme Court Punts on Redistricting Reform, Now Up To Voters by Matthew Weil

FIRST APPEARED ON THE BPC BLOG JUNE 19, 2018

The Supreme Court is not going to overturn this year any political district boundary maps based solely on partisan unfairness. It’s not entirely shocking that the Court decided to avoid the thorniest issue of partisan gerrymandering. But it does mean that redistricting reform will need to come from the voters and their representatives directly, as recommended by the Bipartisan Policy Center’s Commission on Political Reform in 2014.

In its rulings yesterday in Benisek and Gill, the Court found ways to punt on the merits of the cases. Either the challenge was not timely—as in the Maryland Benisek case—or the plaintiffs lacked standing to challenge the statewide map in the Wisconsin Gill case. Both cases involved plaintiffs who argued that mapmakers’ purely partisan considerations made it impossible for voters to elect candidates who represent their political beliefs by drawing the craziest and most inequitable distract boundaries.

If the Court will not confront directly the partisan gerrymandering concerns, there are options for reform-minded citizens to pursue.

If the Court will not confront directly the partisan gerrymandering concerns that clearly tilt maps in inefficient ways purely for partisan political gain that in no way improve the representativeness of maps, there are options for reform-minded citizens to pursue.

BPC’s Commission on Political Reform made dozens of recommendations about Congress, the electoral process, and public service to improve governing during a period of hyperpolarization. The first four in the report are to improve the redistricting process:

  • States should adopt redistricting commissions that have the bipartisan support of the legislature and the electorate.
  • States should use neutral line-drawers in their redistricting processes
  • States should move to a more open process for redistricting.
    • Private individuals and groups should have access to technological redistricting tools, such as sophisticated mapmaking software, which would allow them to more easily participate in the process.
    • States should publicly release initial redistricting plans with sufficient time for public comment.
    • States should implement contests by which private individuals or groups submit redistricting plans to encourage citizen engagement and to ensure that the line-drawers are informed about as many public opinions as possible.
  • States should adopt some forms of neutral geographic factors that limit the ability of mapmakers to draw districts that are strangely shaped.

The focus of the Commission’s recommendations on redistricting is that in our system, it is imperative that both parties have a voice in drawing political boundaries. While acknowledging that drawing these lines will always have a political component, it is possible to develop a fair and transparent system that includes the voters. We endorsed bipartisan commissions, an open process, and an emphasis on geographic cohesion that would lead to maps more readily acceptable to all voters.

And our recommendations have borne fruit. Shortly after the release of the Commission’s report in 2014, BPC began work in Ohio on electoral reform issues including voter registration, provisional voting, and especially redistricting.

Our work helped to lead the Ohio legislature toward a bipartisan plan that reformed how the state draws lines for state legislative districts, an action that was ratified by referendum in 2015. In 2018, the state made similar reforms that expand the fairer process to federal congressional districts. The reforms enshrine a role for the minority party where none had previously existed, and the plans passed with overwhelming bipartisan support.

It has taken a long time to become this polarized and it’s going to take proactive, deliberate steps to move the needle back in the positive direction. The Commission’s recommendation to legislators and reformers is that both parties must seize opportunities like bipartisan redistricting reform to make the playing field a little fairer no matter who controls the levers of power. The public demands it.

Launching the All Things Election Podcast with Special Guest Missouri Secretary of State Jay Ashcroft by Matthew Weil

FIRST APPEARED ON THE BPC BLOG ON FEBRUARY 22, 2018

The Bipartisan Policy today launches the All Things Election podcast to keep you in the know about everything election related. In our first episode, we talk to Missouri Secretary of State Jay Ashcroft about voter registration modernization in his state and why complete and accurate voter rolls improve Americans’ voting experience.

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Democracy Project director John Fortier and associate director Matthew Weil talk with Secretary of State Jay Ashcroft.

Americans will go to the polls this November for the 116th time in our nation’s history to pick members of Congress. But the general Election Day is only one milestone in a process that is already underway.

Over the next year, the All Things Elections podcast will cover redistricting, primaries, campaign finance, campaign advertising, Election Day processes, and canvassing and certification to name a few. This first podcast in the series is about voter registration modernization, specifically state efforts to build more secure and complete voter rolls, with special guest Missouri Secretary of State Jay Ashcroft.

BPC hosts the continuing work of the 2013-2014 Presidential Commission on Election Administration. The Commission made recommendations in many areas, and strongly endorsed data sharing efforts across state lines to improve voter rolls. Since Americans move a lot, states are faced with constant challenges maintaining their lists and identifying new potential voters in their jurisdictions.

The bipartisan, state-run Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC) is one such program to help states address these issues. In late 2017 and early 2018, Arizona and Missouri joined the compact. And just today, Florida passed authorizing legislation to become the 24th ERIC member state.

Secretary Jay Ashcroft is in his first term as Missouri Secretary of State. He was in Washington, D.C., last week to participate in the annual meeting of the National Association of Secretaries of State. In speaking with Democracy Project director John Fortier and associate director Matthew Weil, Secretary Ashcroft outlined a few benefits of the ERIC program.

Ashcroft said that ERIC “helps us make sure the people registered in Missouri are actually living in Missouri and they’re not registered in multiple other states…but it also helps us to reach those individuals who maybe have moved into our state…. It gives us the opportunity to identify those people and make a little bit more of a concerted effort to reach out to them and politely say we’d love to help you get registered.”

We encourage our listeners to hear the whole interview with Ashcroft as he explains his motivations for pursuing ERIC membership in his state. And share your thoughts with BPC via Twitter (@BPC_Bipartisan), on Facebook, or by emailing Democracy@bipartisanpolicy.org to let us know which aspects of elections you would like to hear more about.

Listen here

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My Turn on the Smerconish Show by Matthew Weil

On August 15, 2017 I was on The Michael Smerconish Program discussing the Bipartisan Policy Center's Management Excellence Tracker, which I helped to create, update, and analyze.

The Michael Smerconish Program is on POTUS Radio (Politics of the United States) on SiriusXM (ch. 124).

The links below are partial recordings of my 20 minute segment.

Part 1

Part 2


Remarks on Civility by Matthew Weil

Illinois Campaign for Political Reform (ICPR) Event: Can Civility be Restored in Politics?

August 16 @ 12:00pm (CT) - 1:30pm (CT)

Columbia College, Ferguson Hall, 600 S Michigan Avenue, Chicago

 

Prepared remarks for delivery

Thank you for inviting me to be here with you today. Recent events and the daily onslaught of fresh political bickering certainly serve as constant reminders that we have to do better as a country when it comes to resolving our disagreements.

I will admit that when I was asked to sit on this panel I was—at first—a little confused. I know about the political brinksmanship and stalemate that has paralyzed Illinois in recent years, and I have previously participated in an event hosted by the Illinois Campaign for Political Reform focusing on efforts to reform the redistricting process where I was positioned quite literally between the two opposing sides of the debate. But inviting the guy from Washington, DC who grew up in New Jersey and went to school in Philadelphia to speak about restoring civility? That was unexpected!

But inviting the guy from Washington, DC who grew up in New Jersey and went to school in Philadelphia to speak about restoring civility? That was unexpected!

Let me talk very briefly about why I think I am here today. I have spent my entire career in Washington, DC. I have worked for a right-leaning public policy think tank. I have been a federal civil servant working on nonpartisan election administration issues, and I was a political appointee in the Obama Administration. Maybe I am rare, but I have friends on the right and left with whom I can agree or disagree about policy without becoming personal and petty.

Today I am the Associate Director of the Democracy Project at the Bipartisan Policy Center. I know what many of you are quietly thinking because I have heard all of the questions and comments before. What does a “bipartisan” think tank do? Do you have any effect or success? Are you really bipartisan? How can you be on both sides of an issue today?

The Bipartisan Policy Center, or BPC, is a nonprofit organization in Washington that combines the best ideas from both parties to promote health, security, and opportunity for all Americans. BPC drives principled and politically viable policy solutions through the power of rigorous analysis, painstaking negotiation, and aggressive advocacy. That’s our mission.

Here’s how explain the work BPC does in my own words. On almost every issue at the federal and state level, there are competing priorities that must be reconciled during the policy development process. Before being enacted, both major political parties often have significant ability to slow or derail the political debate, even when one side has a substantial majority over the other. And the best policy tends to be created by compromising rather than attempting to run rough shod over one’s political opponent. That said, we live in a very polarized political environment. So BPC brings together strong Ds and strong Rs to work on not a middling solution but one that true partisans are willing to sell to their colleagues.

BPC is a relatively large institution that works on issues related to the economy, energy, financial institutions, governance, health, housing, immigration, infrastructure, and national security. My main focuses are on governing institutions and election administration.

Back in 2013 and 2014 BPC convened the Commission on Political Reform, chaired by former Senate Majority Leaders Trent Lott and Tom Daschle, former Senator Olympia Snowe, and former Agriculture Secretary Dan Glickman. The commission included other former members, governors, business and religious leaders and more. The 62 unanimous recommendations this group of 29 individuals made were all aimed at ameliorating the causes and consequences of America’s partisan political divide while advocating specific reforms that will improve the political process.

Without reading to you all 62 recommendations, I will note that they fall roughly into three buckets: electoral system reform, congressional reform, and a call to service. And I am happy to shed more light onto the specifics during the question and answer session.

The Bipartisan Policy Center is also in the midst of what we are calling a summer of civility. To quote from some of our former CPR co-chairs, “[w]e are not under any illusion that these problems can be quickly changed, and we are not naively calling for an end to partisanship. We are, however, challenging all Americans to listen to each other more, and to be more open to others’ perspectives. Members of Congress are gathering to sign a Commitment to Civility, pledging to act with respect and collegiality toward one another.” To that end we helped to gather the Freshman class of representatives from both parties to sign a commitment to civility pledge at the U.S. Capitol in June 2017.

Also in 2014, the Bipartisan Policy Center took on the continuing work of the Presidential Commission on Election Administration, which was appointed by President Obama to improve the voting experience. The commission, co-chaired by President Obama’s campaign attorney and Governor Romney’s campaign attorney, took seriously its work looking at bipartisan solutions to America’s voting woes in areas the parties can truly agree.

Finally, the Bipartisan Policy Center hosts a Governor’s Council. BPC initially convened its Governor’s Council in 2011 to bring the pragmatism that most governors bring to governing to Washington. They have issued recommendations related to workforce, higher education, Medicaid, and opioid abuse. We are honored that Linda Lingle, a former governor of Hawaii and most recently the COO of Illinois, remains a member of our council.

Thank you for the opportunity to discuss the work we do at BPC, and I look forward to the panel’s discussion and questions from the audience.